![]() Seen from this perspective, the case of organized crime is then not only about the sheer involvement of women, but predominantly about the roles they play and positions within its structure, because the involvement of even a large number of women does not mean that they are in influential positions, or that they have power or access to resources important for the commission of organized crime. ![]() Organized crime is fundamentally different from other forms of crime in that it entails an organizational structure of cooperation among offenders (cf. The question whether the gender gap is narrowing in organized crime is an open one with some evidence based on official statistics and from case studies suggesting that the gap might be narrowing, whereas other research from studies on white collar crime and criminal enterprises points in the opposite direction. This raises the question of whether similar trends are present in the illegal economy. The gap between men’s and women’s participation in, and outcomes from, legal economic activity has narrowed in recent decades. There is evidence for the gender gap in organized crime as well, leading to the question of whether the gender gap is narrowing in this domain as well. Despite the persistence of this pattern and numerous candidate explanations for it, the gap between men’s and women’s involvement in petty crime has been narrowing in recent years (cf. There are numerous explanations for the underlying processes behind this pattern, such as different structure of opportunities for males and females, differential influence of deviant peers, different cognitive or emotional predispositions, and even biologically-oriented explanations linking differences in crime to hormonal differences. The crime gender gap is one of the most persistent and well-documented patterns in social sciences. The crime gender gap is the difference between the participation of men and women in crime, with men responsible for more crime than women. ![]() Implications for theory and law enforcement practice are discussed. Overall, women are less present in the network, tend to collaborate with other women rather than with men, and are more often in the disadvantageous position of being connected by male intermediaries. Our analysis provides evidence for an ongoing gender gap in organized crime, with women occupying structural positions that are generally associated with a lack of power. We use a dataset collected by Canadian Law Enforcement consisting of 1390 individuals known or suspected to be involved in organized crime, 185 of whom are women. This paper uses a social network approach to systematically compare the structural positions of men and women in an organized criminal network. Assessing whether the gender gap in organized crime is narrowing is not only about the overall levels of involvement of women, but about their roles and positions within the organized criminal structure, because the involvement of women does not mean that they are in influential positions, or that they have power or access to resources important for the commission of organized crime. However, organized crime differs from other forms of criminal activity in that it entails an organizational structure of cooperation among offenders. Recent evidence suggests that the crime gender gap is closing, both in crime in general and in organized crime. The crime gender gap is the difference between the levels of participation of men and women in crime, with men responsible for more crime than women.
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